It is unclear why Dr. Muhammad Yunus refers to himself as the Chief Advisor of the Interim Government in Bangladesh.
The constitution had no such provision when he assumed office on August 8, 2024. Till 2011, there was a provision for a poll-time caretaker government with the President at the helm.
The President was supposed to be aided by a team of Advisors selected through a formula in the Constitution. None of these applied to Dr. Yunus.
He assumed office following the ouster of Sheikh Hasina and, for all practical purposes, considered himself the head of a revolutionary government, answerable only to the students whom he regarded as revolutionaries.
“We are here at the call of the students. They are our primary employers,” Yunus said in a speech on August 25, listing plans to “reform” everything about the country, including its constitution.
The message was clear: he was here to stay. He reiterated this to Al Jazeera in November 2024. Responding to questions about his tenure, the Chief Advisor said it would be “less than four years.”
However, not everyone was willing to see Dr. Yunus enjoy unchecked power for too long. In September 2024, while Chief Advisor Yunus was shaking hands with the Clintons and Obamas in the USA, Reuters published an interview with BD Army Chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman.
The General gave the Yunus administration 18 months—ending in February 2026— to hand over power to a democratically elected government. Back then, Dr. Yunus did not pay much attention to the Army’s expectations.
Those were the early days of the interim government. Anti-Hasina sentiments were strong, and ordinary Bangladeshis looked to the new government to control rising prices and corruption—key grievances against Hasina.
More importantly, Biden was the US president, and the Clintons and Obamas— the primary support base of Dr Yunus—were dominant figures in US politics. The situation has changed dramatically since then.
Bangladesh has been reeling under double-digit inflation.
The economy is struggling. Over the past seven months, numerous factories have shut down, leading to mass job losses. The media is gagged.
Law and order are deteriorating. Rape and murder have become daily occurrences, even in the capital, Dhaka.
The situation is much worse in the districts. Just when ordinary Bangladeshis were desperate to break free from the interim government, the Army chief dropped a bombshell.
Addressing a programme on February 25 this year, General Waker-Uz-Zaman said that he had “had enough over the last seven months” and was eager to see Bangladesh hold an “inclusive election” before December this year.
He reminded the ruling dispensation that their so-called “reform” agenda was dividing the country, increasing social tension, provoking lawlessness, and even infringing on the autonomy of the Army and Judiciary.
The Army Chief warned that he would not allow Bangladesh to become a failed state. “I warn you that if you do not change track, the country will be in danger,” he said in an unusually stern tone.
Interestingly, during his speech, he referred to the Chief Advisor simply as “Yunus,” without adding any title before his name.
This is unusual in South Asian culture, where people are respected at least for their age (Dr. Yunus is an octogenarian), if not for their position. Many believe this was a deliberate move to remind Dr. Yunus that he holds an unconstitutional position.
The Army chief’s warning has left Bangladesh guessing what’s next.
There is no way the Yunus administration can restore order in Bangladesh because they have spent the last seven months disrupting it.
Dreaded terrorists have been released from jail and given a hero’s welcome. They are now back in action, raising concerns both domestically and internationally.
Staunch Islamists played a critical role in the July 2024 uprising. Dr. Yunus relied on them to extend his stay in power.
They are now working overtime to establish Sharia law. Moderate Sufi Muslims and religious minorities are under attack.
Yunus has been playing to their tune. A popular Hindu leader has been rotting in jail for months.
The constitutional reform committee has proposed shifting away from secularism. An unconstitutional government has been acting unconstitutionally. Goons have been sent to silence the media.
Nearly a thousand journalists have lost their jobs. Two of the three largest parties—Hasina’s Awami League and Jatiyo Party—are barred from participating in the political process.
There are efforts to ban them altogether to make room for Islamists and the newly formed Yunus-backed National Citizens Party (NCP).
This is nothing short of hijacking democracy. If Hasina became undemocratic during her 15-year rule, Dr Yunus has outpaced her in just seven months.
Hundreds of thousands of Awami activists are fleeing for their lives, many are jailed on fabricated charges, and numerous Awami League leaders have died in custody.
Dr. Yunus and his supporters refer to Hasina as a “fascist.”
A neutral observer may wonder whether the Nobel Peace Prize winner is any less of a fascist.
