Enayet Kabir
Even after the formation of a so-called “political government” in Bangladesh following the election of 12 February, the people of the country continue to exist as a population of an “identity-less territory.”
The reality on the ground suggests that anti-state forces are still in control of state power.
No action has been taken by the political government against the local architects of the 2024 regime change.
Figures such as Muhammad Yunus, Ali Riaz, Asif Nazrul, and Adilur Rahman remain firmly in place. It is becoming increasingly clear that behind the manipulated election, the central issue was ensuring a “safe exit” for the military-civilian actors of 2024.
Today, on 21 February—International Mother Language Day—Bangladesh’s so-called “ruling party,” the BNP, and the war-crimes-linked Jamaat-e-Islami disrupted the atmosphere of secular dignity and solemn remembrance at the Central Shaheed Minar, openly demonstrating their political alliance.
Instead of offering respectful tribute, the BNP government under Tarique Rahman, along with Jamaat-e-Islami, introduced religious rituals and processes of Jamaatisation at the Shaheed Minar.
History shows that the “king’s party” BNP—born inside cantonments—has never upheld progressive values, democracy, or secularism.
Two examples from today alone: Rumana Farhana, expelled from BNP and daughter of language movement fighter Oli Ahad, was not allowed to pay tribute at the Shaheed Minar.
The Jatiya Party was also blocked from paying respects amid chants of “fake, fake.”
Tragically, the “independent state of Bangladesh” is gradually losing the chance to become the emotional and cultural heart of the global Bengali community.
The Central Shaheed Minar and its surrounding area in Dhaka could have become a sacred pilgrimage site for the Bengali language.
Dhaka could have emerged as the linguistic capital of Bengalis worldwide.
Yet, even after 73 years, the city where people sacrificed their lives for the dignity of their mother tongue and initiated the struggle for national self-determination could not become the proudest city for Bengalis globally.
February 21 is not only a proud day for the independent Bengali nation but for Bengalis everywhere. One day, history may record how Dhaka’s citizens, through neglect and indifference, squandered the opportunity to earn the reverence of the global Bengali community.
The movement for the self-determination of the Bengali nation began with the demand for state recognition of the mother tongue.
From the language movement emerged first the autonomy movement, then the national liberation struggle, and finally the establishment of the state of Bangladesh through independence.
Yet, even 55 years after independence—achieved with active humanitarian and military support from the Indian people—the formation of a truly “independent Bengali nation” remains incomplete.
Time and again, Bangladesh’s stability has depended on India’s diplomatic and strategic support.
Between 1975–1990, 2007–2008, and even now, India has ensured “security” without direct intervention.
The question is: are the large Gen-Z youth population in Bangladesh—many of whom actively participated in the anti-India violence of July 2024—actually satisfied with the current Bangladeshi state? Has the present state, society, and government truly fulfilled their expectations?
Across the world, Gen-Z youth view nationalism and the state as outdated and anti-people concepts. Influenced by globalisation, many of them seek the dissolution of both.
They imagine a stateless, borderless world. To them, the state represents “against the people” and “against privacy.”
Western states themselves struggle to deal with this generation’s anti-state consciousness. Bangladesh is no exception.
Over recent decades, US imperial power has used communication technology and satellite systems to collect global data.
Platforms like Facebook, Pathao, Uber, and others receive voluntary personal data from people worldwide.
Using social media, the US has engineered colour revolutions and regime changes across the Arab world, Europe, and Bangladesh.
By exploiting youth anti-state sentiment, governments have been toppled country after country.
Where militaries are weak—or where senior officers lack patriotism—such revolutions become easier.
But in those countries, the state becomes even more anti-people and more oppressive.
After the regime change in Bangladesh through a colour revolution, the new power-holders began promoting anti-India propaganda.
Through slogans like “Indian dominance” and “secret agreements between India and Awami League,” figures like Muhammad Yunus and Asif Nazrul misled the youth.
Attempts to popularise the idea of “state reform” failed to gain real traction.
Among the broader student and youth population, there was virtually no interest in “state reform” discourse framed around constitutions, governance structures, or institutions.
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This narrative remained confined to imperial-funded expatriate academics, retired military and civil officials, journalists, editors, defected politicians, and primarily NGO owners.
Among ordinary people and youth, they had zero credibility. The Yunus group proved especially incompetent in governance.
In recent months, we have held informal conversations with many Gen-Z youth in Bangladesh.
They appeared indifferent to the state, because they actually want its dissolution.
They do not want the state, family, or guardians to control their lives. Much like Marxists once envisioned abolishing the state to build communes—though these youth are not Marxists—they dream of a globally unified world.
However, they are also frustrated by shrinking opportunities for higher education and visas in the West. Nation-building cannot begin with state reform.
In East Bengal, the Bengali people restarted the nation-building process through the Language Movement of 21 February 1952, rejecting religious “Pakistani nationalism.”
This led to the national liberation struggle and the War of Independence to establish self-determination.
The cultural process of nation-building continued.
Even after 15 August 1975, when religious ideology and “Bangladeshi nationalism” (state nationalism) were imposed, the Bengali nation—rooted in language—did not accept it.
In truth, a nation’s dignity does not depend on constitutional tinkering or institutional “reforms.” A nation takes pride in its language, culture, self-determination, and self-reliance.
The formation of the independent Bengali nation will continue to evolve in harmony with the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Bengali identity will keep developing through language and the spiritual traditions of Baul and Fakir culture rooted in agrarian society.
Ekushey (21 February) taught Bengalis to never bow their heads.
To the youth of Bangladesh, this is a warning: no unpatriotic military force or misguided intellectual elite can derail the path of the independent Bengali nation.
(The writer is a political and economic analyst)
