By Enayet Kabir
Holier than thou. Bangladesh’s former Army chief General (retd) Iqbal Karim Bhuiyan, popularly known as IKB, may himself become entangled in allegations of corruption and murder. In addition, he may face “proven” accusations of evicting former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia — mother of Prime Minister Tarique Rahman — from her residence on Moinul Hossain Road inside the cantonment.
Allegations have also arisen that this retired army chief is giving false testimony in court, shifting blame onto colleagues to conceal his own alleged misconduct. Questions have even begun to surface within the court itself as to why IKB, described as an “ordered accused” in corruption and murder cases, should not face trial.
About a year-and-a-half ago, by amending laws outside constitutional provisions, Muhammad Yunus’s extra-constitutional government reportedly handed over control of the International Crimes Tribunal — originally formed to prosecute war crimes committed during the 1971 Liberation War — to the war crimes–accused Jamaat-e-Islami.
Although the BNP-led government removed Tajul Islam, described as a “Jamaat-aligned” chief prosecutor, the tribunal’s “Jamaat-aligned” judges have continued proceedings under the amended law. Legal experts have argued that a court established to try war crimes should not undertake other types of trials and have described such actions as “conflicting.”
Public opinion has also opposed these conflicting proceedings. However, Tarique Rahman’s BNP government, like Yunus’s extra-constitutional government, is accused of ignoring both legal experts and public opinion.
On March 1, Iqbal Karim Bhuiyan appeared for the third day to testify against Major General (retd) Ziaul Ahsan, the sole accused in a case involving hundreds of alleged enforced disappearances and killings. Unlike the previous two days, his strategy of delivering one-sided political statements and shifting blame onto colleagues did not succeed under intense cross-examination.
Addressing him sternly, ICT-1 Chairman Mohammad Golam Mortuza Mozumder remarked: “Remember, you are an expert from the north bank, and we are experts from the south bank.”
That Sunday, during cross-examination by defence lawyer Aminul Gani Tito, detailed questions were raised about the Army’s housing project “Jalsiri.” In response, Iqbal Karim stated that he had been the head of the project. He acknowledged that during land acquisitions across 24 mouzas in Rupganj, Narayanganj, three people were shot dead amid disputes with locals.
He claimed that the Army fired in self-defense after an attack and arson at a military camp. However, he shifted responsibility by saying that at the time, General Mubin was the Army chief and the Operations Directorate handled the situation.
At this stage of his lengthy explanation, the tribunal chairman expressed irritation, stating, “You do not need to give so much explanation. You are an expert from the north bank, and we are experts from the south bank.”
Responding to a question about the land price for the Army’s “commercial” housing project, Jalsiri, Iqbal Karim said land had been purchased at BDT 1.2 to 1.3 million per bigha. He added that compensation matters were beyond his jurisdiction. He also informed the tribunal that no Court of Inquiry was conducted regarding the deaths of the three villagers.
It has been alleged that villagers were forced to sell their land at extremely low prices for the project. Currently, the market price per katha in the project stands at about BDT 10 million. Senior Army officials are reportedly beneficiaries of the project.
In 2007–08, under the leadership of long-retired General Masud Uddin Chowdhury, the Army allegedly took over the project from a private developer. While infrastructure in the neighboring planned city, Purbachal, under RAJUK (Rajdhani Unnayan Kartripakkha) is still incomplete, Jalsiri is described as being “virtually Singapore-like.”
It may be recalled that during the past 15 years under the Awami League government, the military became extensively involved in commercial activities. The Army reportedly oversees more than fifty business enterprises. From Dhaka to Ghatail in Tangail, the military’s assets are said to exceed those of the general population.
Over the past five decades, the military has reportedly evolved into one of Bangladesh’s most significant “corporate business houses,” engaging in banking, insurance, manufacturing, contracting, dockyards, and housing.
Sheikh Hasina’s government involved the Army in major national projects such as the Padma Bridge, the Dhaka–Chittagong Highway, and the Dhaka–Chittagong pipeline. It was during the tenures of Generals (retd) Mohammad Mubin and Iqbal Karim Bhuiyan as Army Chiefs that the full “commercialisation” of the Army allegedly took place.
When questioned about the Army’s involvement in national projects, IKB told the court that the Army had been involved in many projects but he could not recall specific numbers and was unaware of any corruption in those projects.
At one point during cross-examination, when he made contradictory statements about officers’ postings, the tribunal chairman warned him: “This is the highest court. Speak carefully. It could harm you as well as the case.”
Previously, in response to another question from lawyer Aminul Gani, Iqbal Karim stated in testimony that India’s intelligence agency had an office inside the DGFI headquarters, although he admitted he had conducted no investigation. He claimed that the DGFI headquarters is located within Dhaka Cantonment but operates outside the direct control of the Army chief.
The defence has alleged that IKB attempted to influence Major General (retd) Ziaul Ahsan in the investigation of the Aijit (AJT) murder case, and that after Zia refused to comply, a set of retaliatory accusations is now being constructed against him.
It is noteworthy that Iqbal Karim Bhuiyan earlier admitted in court that Army officers on deputation to RAB acted as “extrajudicial contract killers” in exchange for money. He acknowledged that subordinate officers returning from deputation confessed to carrying out killings for as little as BDT 10,000, yet he took no action as Army chief.
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Earlier, during the 2001–2006 Jamaat-BNP coalition government, the Army faced allegations of extrajudicial killings during Operation Clean Heart.
During that period, the elite force RAB was formed. Although officially a “civilian” force, RAB operates under significant military influence. IKB has accused colleagues of murder and corruption. But in the end, will he be able to refute the same allegations against himself?
(The writer is a political and economic analyst)
