Bangladesh has clearly turned into a land of speculation in these times. But beyond and above that, it is the suppression of dissent, indeed of truth, which continues to raise questions about the future of politics in the country.
When a mob swooped on a discussion organized by a new body, Moncho ’71, at the premises of Dhaka Reporters Unity last week, no action was taken by the law enforcers to bring the mobsters to justice.
In a bizarre demonstration of upended politics, it was the participants at the discussion, among whom were former minister Abdul Latif Siddiqui, freedom fighters and academics, who were placed under arrest and carted off to prison.
Should one be surprised, though?
In the thirteen months since a well-planned conspiracy forced the Awami League out of office in an unconstitutional manner, mobs loyal to or favoured by the current regime have, had a field day disrupting life across the country.
The deliberate failure of the Yunus regime to restore order and decency in the country has pushed the nation to a situation where voices are increasingly being raised in favour of a return of the Awami League to mainstream politics.
Processions by activists of the Awami League and its affiliated bodies are increasingly being organised in various parts of Bangladesh.
Interestingly, individuals who were vocal against the Awami League before and after August 2024 have turned increasingly to scepticism in that they are beginning to feel that the crisis cannot be resolved without the presence of the party of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Sheikh Hasina in the political arena.
The political tectonic plates have begun to shift, albeit slowly. In the thirteen months which have gone by since mob rule seized the country, President Mohammad Shahabuddin, the sole individual constitutionally holding office today, has been ignored.
Muhammad Yunus, as chief advisor of the interim regime, has never reported to him, as heads of government must do, on policy making or on his visits abroad or seeking his advice in matters of national importance.
But a few days ago, General Waker uz Zaman, the army chief of staff, called on Chief Justice Syed Refaat Ahmed and followed it up by going to Bangabhaban, the presidential residence, to meet the President.
Given the atmosphere of secrecy and media silence in the country, it has not been known why the general has suddenly become active.
Unverified reports suggest he needed the President’s assent to certain army-related documents from the President in light of the failure of Muhammad Yunus to give his agreement to the documents.
But speculation has not been confined to the document issue.
There is a growing feeling in the country that the interim regime is not morally and politically qualified to preside over the next general election because of the controversial actions it has taken against the Awami League.
The interim government has also been accused of overlooking the destruction of Bangladesh’s history and historical sites, together with the lawlessness it has been presiding over.
That raises questions around the proposed February 2026 election.
The answer, for the nation, appears to be becoming clearer with each passing day: there might be no election in February, even though the Yunus regime has been serving the warning that it will oppose any attempt to have the election ‘foiled’.
Moreover, there appears to be a growing sense among the people that enough damage has been done on the watch of the Yunus regime and that firm action has become necessary in order to restore order in the country.
It has become evident that the security forces may now show some signs of firmness to restore the law and order in Bangladesh.
It was observed when last week soldiers and police together took determined action against activists of a small outfit known as Gano Odhikar Andolon, headed by former student leader Nurul Haque Nur, to prevent them from causing damage to the offices of the Jatiyo Party.
One needs little wisdom to understand that the activists of this outfit were out to attack the Jatiyo Party offices and ransack it.
The action by the soldiers and police was harsh, but it conveyed a message to those who have been engaged in a wanton destruction of homes, offices and structures related to the War of Liberation since August 2024.
Interestingly, Yunus condemned the incident while Asif Nazrul, the advisor for law, visited the injured Nur in the hospital.
It was obvious that the action by the soldiers and policemen was taken independently of the Yunus regime, which says a lot about the eroding authority of the embattled regime now in office.
For Bangladesh to be home again to the rule of law, an all-encompassing political change has become necessary.
For democratic secular politics to be restored, for justice to be done about those who have systematically violated the rules of politics and presided over the assault on Bangladesh’s heritage, the Yunus outfit needs to be shown the door.
A new government, appointed by President Shahabuddin and supported by the higher judiciary — despite the fact that the present Chief Justice and his colleagues were installed in office through mob action against their predecessors — is an imperative in Bangladesh today.
How a new government, be it an interim or a caretaker one, will take shape is for the President to decide. And the top-most priority of the new government would be the restoration of sanity in a land put to the torch by rampaging mobs and their patrons in high places.
ALSO READ: Bangladesh politicians huddle with Pakistani minister at Pakistan mission
It may be recalled that when a caretaker regime headed by President Iajuddin Ahmed was perceived to be loyal to the BNP, which had quit office at the end of its term in late 2006 after five years in power, it was swiftly disbanded with the installation of a caretaker government in January 2007.
