Across the country, particularly in various Hindi-speaking states, discriminatory behaviour towards Bengalis has suddenly escalated.
Migrant workers from West Bengal are being branded as “Bangladeshi” and are being detained, harassed, and even pushed back to the Bangladesh border. Many are questioning why such undemocratic and inhumane steps are being taken all of a sudden.
The Bengali community—who shed the most blood for the country’s independence—is now facing such hateful attitudes. This is deeply concerning.
After Partition, Bengalis were marginalised under the guise of the “Foreigners’ Eviction Movement” in Assam, where Indian Bengalis suffered immensely. The Nellie and Gohpur massacres are burning examples of this.
In Assam, the NRC update process gave rise to an unparalleled form of political discrimination. Approximately 3.8 million people were excluded from the NRC list, primarily Indian citizens.
Now, in states like Gujarat, Odisha, Delhi, Maharashtra, and Jharkhand, Bengali migrant workers from West Bengal are being targeted under the pretext of expelling Bangladeshis. Merely speaking Bengali is enough to be labelled “Bangladeshi.”
But it’s well-known that Bengalis live not just in West Bengal but across Tripura, Assam, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, and the Andaman Islands.
As a hardworking community, Bengalis are actively involved in various productive sectors across India.
In Surat, Gujarat, for example, Bengalis dominate the diamond polishing and gold jewellery sectors.
From design engineers in textile companies to important managerial roles, Bengalis are well-established. Poor Bengalis also work in security services and migrant labour across the country.
So why have the respective state governments suddenly taken such an aggressive stance? What is the underlying reason? It’s only natural to raise such questions.
Just as Bangladesh has 280 million Bengali speakers, India too has around 160 million Bengalis across various states.
Speaking Bengali is not a crime. Why, then, are Indian Bengalis being labelled as Bangladeshis? Such branding is not only unconstitutional but deeply inhumane.
The seeds of the current conspiracy to marginalise Bengalis were planted after independence and are now growing into full-blown agendas. Across India, Bengalis are being harassed and branded as Bangladeshis. Many fear a hidden political agenda behind this campaign.
Bengalis are affiliated with various political parties, and many remain unsure how to respond.
A collective protest—which should have already been raised—is absent. Only a few voices have spoken out.
The Trinamool Congress has vocally addressed the issue in Parliament. Bengali supporters of the BJP seem confused and hesitant to speak either in favour or against it.
The Kolkata High Court has strongly directed the Chief Secretary of West Bengal to take steps to prevent harassment of migrant workers from the state in other parts of the country. When a court issues such a directive, it reflects the seriousness of the issue.
West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has raised her voice and even taken to the streets in protest.
That such ethnic and linguistic hatred is occurring under a powerful central government is itself suspicious.
In Odisha, the assault on Bengali migrant workers has drawn protests even from some locals, who point out the irony: while Odias working in Bengal in catering or plumbing face no harassment, why are Bengali workers being attacked in Odisha?
In Delhi and Gujarat, Bengali slums are being demolished under the sweeping claim that these are Bangladeshi settlements. In my opinion, this is part of a deeply rooted political conspiracy.
The Bengali identity is over 7,000 years old. According to renowned linguists Acharya Sukumar Sen and Acharya Muhammad Shahidullah, if we consider the Charyapada as the earliest form of Bengali, the language is truly ancient. Bengalis have contributed more than any other group to India’s freedom struggle.
Khudiram Bose sang songs of victory on the gallows. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose hoisted the first flag of independent India in the Andamans. Even Hitler respected Netaji. Leaders like Bipin Chandra Pal were unmatched orators.
Masterda Surya Sen looted the British armoury in Chittagong. Bengali revolutionaries gave their lives not for regional interests but for the entire country.
At the Cellular Jail in the Andamans, 80% of the names on the martyr list are Bengali revolutionaries.
Yet, over time, these massive contributions have been systematically erased through manipulated narratives. After independence, Netaji—by population and contribution—was the obvious choice for Prime Minister.
However, he mysteriously disappeared. The state claimed he died in a plane crash in Taipei, but the truth has never been revealed despite several commissions of inquiry.
In science, literature, and culture, Bengalis have contributed so significantly that others often view them with envy.
Jagadish Chandra Bose raised India’s prestige by proving that plants have life.
Rabindranath Tagore elevated the nation by winning the Nobel Prize for Gitanjali. Satyajit Ray earned an Oscar for his life’s work in cinema. These are only a few examples.
Unfortunately, the Hindi-speaking heartland has long sought to marginalise the Bengali. When Vishwanath Pratap Singh tried to make Jyoti Basu the Prime Minister, he faced opposition.
After Rajiv Gandhi’s death, when Pranab Mukherjee emerged as the natural choice for Prime Minister, he was sidelined in favour of P.V. Narasimha Rao. Later, when Mukherjee had another chance, Manmohan Singh was made PM instead. To ensure Mukherjee would never become PM, he was sent off as President—a final political farewell.
Such instances of denying Bengalis their due are numerous. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee died mysteriously in Kashmir, and the truth remains hidden.
Bengalis introduced India to the world through literature and culture. Rabindranath Tagore wrote the national anthem.
Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay wrote Vande Mataram. During the independence movement, Bengali poets and writers played pivotal roles. Bengali patriotism has no equal.
After the 1947 Partition, Bengalis suffered the most. Along with Punjab and Sindh, Bengal was also divided. But unlike the others, only Bengalis were continuously humiliated. Refugees in Marichjhapi (West Bengal) were fired upon. Many were forcibly relocated to Dandakaranya.
The discrimination against Bengali speakers in Assam began soon after independence and continues in various forms. The state still divides people into “indigenous” and “outsiders.”
The Sylhet region was handed over to Pakistan through a farcical referendum. Fleeing insecurity, many Hindus from Sylhet relocated to Assam’s other districts—only to be harassed again later.
Even attempts were made to deny Bengalis their language and education rights, though massive resistance ultimately defeated those plans.
During Partition, there was a serious chance that the entire Northeast would go to Pakistan. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose prevented this by coming to Assam and meeting with leaders like Arun Kumar Chanda, Satindra Mohan Dev, and Baidyanath Mukherjee.
With their help, the Muslim League ministry was toppled, and a Congress government under Gopinath Bordoloi was installed.
Without Netaji’s intervention, the entire Northeast would be part of Pakistan today. In light of this, the way Bengalis are treated is shameful.
Branding Assamese Bengali-speaking people as Bangladeshis without completing the NRC process is dangerous.
Despite being a secure vote bank, Bengalis in Assam have faced the most humiliation under the current regime.
The BJP spent Rs. 1,600 crore to create the NRC—money not from the party but from taxpayers. Yet the process was suspended, leaving out 1.9 million people without due resolution.
This clearly shows the government doesn’t want a permanent solution. Instead, the “Bangladeshi” issue is weaponised during every election.
Speaking Bengali does not make one a Bangladeshi. The Bengali-speaking population of Assam will continue to declare Bengali as their mother tongue. But why is this being used as grounds for discrimination?
This anti-Bengali sentiment spreading across India is ultimately against the national interest. Every Indian citizen has the constitutional right to live and work anywhere in the country.
Preventing any community from accessing opportunities is a criminal act. The need for legal protection of victimised individuals has become urgent.
To fight this injustice, people must unite across religious and linguistic lines. The government must ensure every community receives their due rights and opportunities.
If the central government thinks Bengalis will remain passive despite repeated humiliation and neglect, it is mistaken.
If Bengalis, after giving their votes, are still insulted and excluded, they will be forced to reconsider their options.
Across India, Bengalis will rise to defend their dignity—because fighting for existence is non-negotiable. History has already taught them that.
Moreover, there is no guarantee that the seeds of hatred being sown against Bengalis today won’t grow to target other communities tomorrow. The government must recognise the root of this issue and act decisively.
Pradip Dutta Roy is a former student leader and an advocate at the Gauhati High Court
